#FRAPoli: The Rendezvous of Youth – speech by Christian Jacob – #FrancePolitics #FRPoli

Only the pronouncement is authentic,

Dear friends,

First, I want to thank you all for your tremendous mobilization and for our work last night and this morning. But also for your commitment and your activism in the field; by having answered so many to our call, you silenced all the birds of bad omen. What other political party would be ready to take up the challenge of mobilizing more than 1000 young people over two days to talk politics, reflect and work on the future of our country? What we are doing today is the founder of a modern right, open and resolutely turned towards the future. Thank you for coming from all over France, mainland and overseas.

Allow me also to thank our management team: Guillaume PELTIER, our 1st Vice-President, Aurélien PRADIE, our Secretary General, Annie GENEVARD, President of the National Council and Eric CIOTTI who chairs our investiture committees. Every day they are by my side, today I want to tell them how much their support, help and advice is precious to me. A special word for Aurélien: if our meeting with youth is so successful, we owe him a lot. He worked hard all summer.

Thank you to our 3 parliamentary group presidents, François-Xavier, Bruno and Damien for their presence, but also for the energy and talent with which they lead our parliamentary groups. I am not forgetting of course my friend François BAROIN, President of the AMF, whose charisma and high vision are recognized by all, and then Gérard LARCHER, our President of the Senate, tireless architect of unity and gathering. In recent years, he has given the Upper Assembly a dimension that it had lost.

I also want to thank and greet the members of the Political Bureau, of the Strategic Council and our elected Deputies, Senators, European Deputies, territorial Eus and my friend Renaud MUSELIER, President of the South Region and President of the Association of Regions of France who has been pleased to be with us since this morning.

Finally, an event like the one that brings us together requires extensive organization. I therefore want to thank all the rdjs, Aurane and the National Office of Young Republicans for their participation in the organization and their essential fieldwork for our movement.

And finally the entire team of permanent staff from rue de vaugirard who have been on the bridge all summer including during their holidays for some of them.

A year ago in a difficult context that everyone remembers, I decided to take my responsibilities and run for the Presidency of our movement. I want to send a message of friendship to Laurent Wauquiez, who made the difficult and courageous decision to assume a collective defeat on his own. he did so with a great sense of the public interest and a lot of dignity.

I presented myself because fidelity to my ideals, to my values, to my political family are for me cardinal values.

Because I am, by construction, by my background too, a man of combat.

And especially because I believe and aspire, more than ever, in work-study. Like many French people, in truth I did not digest the “break-in” of the 2017 presidential election.

The events since June 2017 and especially in the last 6 months have reinforced this feeling that the President of the Republic was not ready and that he is pursuing a policy which is bad for the country.

The municipal elections were a deep signal of what is in reality a double rejection: that of Emmanuel MACRON himself and that of macronism.

We were told the local establishment of a Movement, En Marche, young, modern and dynamic. We were told the end of the old world. Well, we’ve been served.

In the townships, En Marche was swept away wherever they managed to make lists. Still, it was not for lack of trying to muddy the waters, but their failure was scathing. They have missed their anchoring, which is ultimately quite consistent for a movement above ground.

Our candidates, because they were good, because they had good track records, and because they were able to bring together, achieved remarkable results.

We started from very high with the municipal elections of 2014. We held our positions, with a few disappointments, but also great conquests. In return for this, the Republicans are 50% of cities and especially 15 million inhabitants living in LR municipalities, as many as all the other political parties combined.

In 2020, as in 2014, we can say, with our heads held high, that the Republicans are the party of territories, proximity, local efficiency, and recognition of the field.

There is therefore this paradox: we have not yet capitalized, at the national level, on this reality on the ground that we see everywhere in France.

I am convinced that the time for harvest will come. It will come because this shift is unrelated to our history. Our history is that of a large right-wing party which gave France its institutions around and with General de GAULLE, and which gave him several Presidents of the Republic.

If the French had wanted us to disappear, we would no longer be there. They do not imagine, in the depths of themselves, that French political life can be structured without a large right-wing movement capable of ensuring alternation, a large party of government which can, tomorrow, take back control. our national destiny.

The time to harvest will come because we have ideological consistency, and a political line that we have just reaffirmed through considerable work, transcribed in a progress report that we have sent to all our departmental federations. This groundwork, unprecedented in our political family, will allow the holding of a Congress of Ideas in the fall.

All of us, within our family, know how to come together on the big subjects, and on the big questions. All of them, even if, in order to exist, sometimes the tones are different, we find ourselves on freedom, authority and progress. This is what we embody, this is our political line and this triple message is a bearer of hope for our country, which sees clearly that the “at the same time” is first of all a standstill without prospects.

So, obviously, I have the lucidity to say that we have sometimes lacked the desire for union, the desire – which moves mountains – the desire for companionship and finally the desire for the collective in the face of which small personal trajectories are very little.

This is the meaning of the action I take with our management team. Make and redo work together, in the Common House, all those who sincerely want to. I put all my energy into it because I am convinced that our common home remains a fixed point, a reference, the framework for a real project of the future for those who feel good there, and who have always remained there, for those also who, at one time, may have doubted but who saw clearly, during the municipal elections, that it is in the Republicans and in the quality of their elected officials that the French trusted.

With this collective work, we have given a beautiful image of who we are: activists who are open, attentive, proud of their values, also capable of questioning themselves, of proposing, of moving.

It is because we are doing this fundamental work, on ourselves, that we will find the hearts of the French and that we will be faithful to the historical vocation which is that of a great Gaullist party: to bring together the French, to mobilize them, train them in their diversity with an ambitious project for France.

Let’s not doubt it for a moment, it will all come from the work we have initiated to talk to the French. Talking to the French is obviously talking to all French people about all subjects.

Talking to the French is talking to our voters today, but also to those of yesterday.

We must not bring ourselves to the fact that the French, sincerely on the right, are reduced to choosing between En Marche and the Rassemblement National. Yes, there are still some. Less and less, but enough for commentators to continue to phosphorus on the biggest fake news of recent years: Mr. MACRON would be right.

So yes, because man is made like this, it may happen that one day, a head of government, for a box checked on a CV, sends back his LR card by post the day before his appointment to Matignon! It can happen. That says a lot about the person’s spine. But no doubt he had been inspired by the opportunism of his predecessor.

But the French have understood that we were trying to serve them the same lemonade a second time, that all this is insignificant, completely insignificant in view of the judgment that they are entitled to make on M. MACRON, after 3 ½ years of power.

The table is now precise. And I remain quite amazed at anything that has in some way been forgiven or appears to have been forgiven Mr. MACRON.

Shameful words, remember: some of our fellow citizens would be illiterate, others alcoholics, or just nothing. Shameful also about the crazy money that our social protection system costs.

And what can be said about the protection of a sulphurous individual, Mr. BENALLA, including 2 years after the affair, we still do not know what justified this connivance and this closeness with the Head of State.

This is for form. And there is the bottom.

Macronism has been sold as the great leap in reform in France. We were going to see what we were going to see, with this young and dashing President. Well, we have seen: as Jacques Chirac would have said, it was “pschitt”.

Misunderstood and ill-prepared reforms led to the country’s great blockage, on two occasions, with the “Yellow Vests” first, then with the protest of the pension reform which, with the arrival of Mr. CASTEX, benefited from a 1st class funeral.

It is time, high time that we wringed the neck of this duck of a President who pursued right-wing politics.

The facts and figures are overwhelming. They show one simple thing: Macronism is actually an outgrowth of Dutchism. Emmanuel MACRON worked with François Hollande. He inspired socialist economic policy. He was Minister of the Economy and passed catastrophic laws. He wanted to deregulate professions that were working well. He attacked downtown businesses by being the champion of mass distribution. He wanted to kill the rail by creating the Macron buses. Today he announces a big place for rail – what an inconsistency!

All this shows one thing: he does not understand the French and he does not understand the country, it is sad for France because a lot of time has been lost. But this is not even a lost opportunity because macronism carried with it, from 2017, the certainty of immobility. Everyone can see that at 18 months from the end of his five-year term, nothing will change.
Remember what Nicolas SARKOZY had been able to do in the first three years of his mandate, the TEPA law, the judicial card, floor sentences, university autonomy, a major pension reform and we could add more …

A moment ago, I was talking about the numbers. Not after the COVID crisis, but before. The government will try to explain to us that its reformist impetus was cut off by this unprecedented crisis. It is true that it is unprecedented. But what is also unprecedented is the situation in France last March.

Public expenditure increased between 2017 and 2019 more than in the first years HOLLANDE.

Compulsory taxes have increased and have focused on the middle classes, retirees and families.

The deficit was one of the worst in the eurozone. And the debt has reached 100% of GDP, not to mention the trade balance deficit.

If, today, our country is in reality unable to build a recovery plan worthy of the name on its own strength, it is because the starting point is catastrophic.

COVID should not be the pretext to hide, lie and disguise reality: Emmanuel MACRON has not reformed. It weakened the budgetary, economic and social structure of France. This is its political trademark. The French, who are starting to seriously worry about seeing all these billions raining down, feel that the situation is very, very worrying.

In this context, our responsibility is to offer a clear, coherent speech, constructed in respect of the values ​​and ideas which have always been ours.

The authority of the State and the republican order, the defense of secularism and the fight against communitarianism, work, merit, freedom of enterprise, progress, the exit from an economy and a over-taxed and over-administered society, the defense of family policy, the priority of solidarity over assistance and finally equality and freedom of the territories.

On these major questions, there is an urgent need to answer the questions and anxieties of the French who see the country, in many respects, disintegrating and who do not see the way for their own children. This is the work we started at the start of the year and will continue this fall.

The Disaggregation of State Authority.

The power in place, with a Minister of the Interior in permanent verbal overheating but unable to act, who resigns himself to comment on various facts, violence, ultra-violence everywhere on the territory. But in which countries do we live? A country where you can get tied up and robbed at home. A country where a bus driver can be brutally murdered. A country where bands from foreign communities can sack a city; where pseudo-football supporters can ransack businesses close to the Elysee Palace. A country where a nurse can be beaten for asking to wear a mask. A country where local elected officials, mayors, are in physical danger in the face of small bosses.

How far will we go in inaction? anger is mounting everywhere in France.

The French have passed the stage where they wanted offenders to be prevented from sleeping. They want them to be arrested, tried, convicted, jailed and actually served their sentences.

And for that, there is an imperative: to reaffirm our absolute confidence in our police officers and our gendarmes.

To instill doubt, permanently, on police violence is unacceptable and unbearable.

Our police and gendarmes are doing their job as guardians of Republican order under difficult conditions. And when they do something wrong, they are legitimately punished. I tell you, I will always be, by principle and by deep conviction, by their side, as a defender of authority. Because if the political authority lets go of the Republican police, it runs the risk that the situation will get out of hand. A rapid and powerful surge is imposed with an absolute necessity: an end to the under-equipment of the police.

We must also give ourselves the means to turn the tide on the judicial front. We must put an end to the penal disarmament of the TAUBIRA years. This means: automatic minimum sentences to fight against recidivism and against any aggression against those in public authority, the abolition of automatic reductions in sentences, the lowering of the criminal majority to 16 years.

And then, because the place of an offender is the prison, a real prison plan. I also note that, while waiting, places are free in prison since the Government has released 13,000 prisoners for whom COVID has been a blessing.

This challenge of the authority of the State calls for another with which it is intimately linked: the challenge of the love of the Nation and the Republic.

France has been able to integrate generations of men and women who have chosen, gratefully, to live the national adventure.

Today, the engine of integration is not even broken. He walks backwards.

We have urgent questions to ask ourselves and decisions to take on our migration policy, on the procedures for acquiring French nationality with the return of the Pasqua laws, on the conditions of family reunification and on the future of foreigners who have entered illegally. on the national territory.

The time has come to put in place quotas by country and by sector of activity. Quotas indexed to our true capacity to welcome and integrate.

This decision has a corollary: putting an end to an overly generous social model that we can no longer afford.

Access to benefits must be subject to a significant period of social contributions and therefore presence in the national territory. What we did in 2011 and that the Left removed, the 10 years of presence to benefit from the minimum old age. This principle of conditionality must be extended to other allowances.

AME should be abolished and replaced with emergency aid. AME’s budget has doubled in 10 years and has become a pit with no funds and no controls.
What about the deportations of illegal immigrants and those rejected for asylum? A drop of water, coupled with cowardice because to hide the incapacity and the lack of will, the illegals are quietly regulated.

Make no mistake about it. It is the republican and national pact that is at stake.

From renunciation to renunciation, the conditions are created for the communitarization of the country, to the point that some no longer even dare to mention the subject and prefer to dodge by looking down. Everywhere in the territory attacks are developing on our way of life.

Yes, some people lower their eyes to the realities: in the heart of certain towns or districts, women are prohibited from quoting at certain times. Civil servants have the greatest difficulty in ensuring that the basic principles of secularism are respected. Under the guise of social and cultural action, public subsidies are used to finance associations or groups that defend another model of civilization.

Why is nothing moving?

Because Mr. MACRON thinks that we should tackle the radicalization of secularism rather than the radicalization of Islam.

Because he thinks that the veil in public space is none of his business. The Stasi-type commission that I had requested to work and make concrete proposals on secularism was swept away with a wave of the hand. They won’t do anything.

The school veil ban, the burka ban, it’s us, it’s the Right. Back in power, far from any angelism, candor and naivety, we will have to take the strong measures that the French expect. Expulsion of foreigners in connection with Islamist movements, closure of Salafist mosques, respect for the values ​​of secularism in all services and public spaces. With the constant concern never to stigmatize our Muslim compatriots, but by imposing the extreme firmness required by respect for the republican pact. The Republic must ensure everyone the freedom to believe or not to believe, but no belief can be imposed on the Republic.

Let us also take back work and the value of work.

For years and even more in recent months, in a country that has experienced the shortage of masks or respirators as a humiliation, we have been talking about relocation. And we are right.

But let’s be serious. France will never again become a great industrial power if no one seriously raises the subject of working time, the cost of labor and the level of income from assistantships.

France will not know how to break with youth unemployment, with this tragedy of tens of thousands of young people who leave each year, unemployable, a school system that is running empty, if it is not able to make the revolution of initial training.

This revolution is that of technical education, of apprenticeship. This is one of the keys to reconnecting with an ambition of production and full employment for the youth of France.

The Republicans must be that great party that claims the job. Who claims progress and innovation. Who claims that a real revival, in the long term, for the generations of tomorrow, and which must mobilize on medical research, on varietal research, on artificial intelligence, on the priority of industry, at all industry, including nuclear which is an opportunity for France.

Assuming innovation is obviously not playing sorcerer’s apprentice and preventing politicians from assuming their responsibilities when they deem it necessary. I did so, in its day, by passing a ban on the exploration and exploitation of shale oil and gas.

Yes, we are legitimate in talking about the environment and ecology.
Yes, let’s assume our heritage, that of the precautionary principle, by enriching it with a principle of innovation.
Yes, let’s make a clear discourse on ecology by defining the contours of a major national pact for agricultural, food and energy production. Our agriculture and our agro-food industry have the capacity and the means. We still have to support them by setting a red line, by being consistent, by building an ecological barrier at the borders of the European Union. A real ecological, food and health barrier at European level with a trade and competition policy which must be completely revised to promote our exports and protect our European companies.

Europe and France cannot be the spillways for products made in countries that do not meet any of the standards that we impose on our farmers and our industrialists.

In the medium and long term, this new agricultural, agrifood and industrial deal means more wealth, more perspective.

It is also, for the thousands of French people who live happily in rural and peri-urban areas, a better quality of life, in dynamic territories and respect for a French heritage of balance where the territories furthest from the major metropolises are not intended to become development black holes.

In short, it is respect for the geography and history of France that is at stake on this subject.

To reconnect with this great pact of work, growth and social progress, we have, at a time when deficits and debt are out of control, a question to ask ourselves collectively: is it reasonable that public expenditure weighs 56, 5% of GDP? Or rather is it tenable? I think not. Germany, with 44% is a less well administered country, where people live in poorer health, where public hospital services did not prove their worth in the face of the pandemic last spring. Obviously no!

Let’s aim for 50% of public spending. This would be 120 billion in reduction in public spending, and therefore 120 billion in less taxes to give momentum, oxygen to all the lifeblood of the country, SMEs, artisans, traders, farmers.

This debate must be disconnected from that of post-COVID recovery and aid to the hardest hit sectors. The public authorities will have to intervene, but without losing sight of the medium and long term. In this perspective, the billions will not be able to continue to rain ad vitam aeternam. Otherwise, we will never end the vicious circle of the pauperization of France and the generations to come.

It will be up to us, to you, the young generation, to take up this challenge, with the keen concern not to break what works in the French social model. A model that our political family has helped to build and reform whenever necessary.

I am proud to be part of a political family which passed the two major disability laws, in 1975 and 2005.

Proud to be from a political family that has done so much for women’s rights. Abortion with Simone VEIL and Jacques CHIRAC is us and no one else.

Proud to be in a political family which has always, since 1945, defended the family policy that François HOLLANDE and then Emmanuel MACRON have unraveled. The end of the universality of family allowances, like the drop in the family quotient, have given a terrible signal, the signal that national solidarity is valid for some and not for others.

Finally, proud to be from a political family which has been able, on 3 occasions, to reform pensions and guarantee our pay-as-you-go system. In this matter, there are those who speak and those who act. Our proposals are the only credible ones: we will have to work longer to avoid an increase in contributions and a decrease in pensions. It will be necessary, with force, to defend family and conjugal rights, the system of shares, increases and reversion for widows.

It will obviously be up to us to come back to it. There is no doubt that on this reform, Mr. MACRON stalled in the open countryside. On that, as on the rest elsewhere.

You see, dear friends, to rebuild and give, once again, to the French, on a national scale, the desire to listen to us, to respect us and to follow us, we must work on our project with conviction, with humility and coolly. This is the work that is underway and it is on this work that we must be mobilized.

A work that is based on a foundation of values, freedom, authority and progress, and on a deep heritage in the history of our country.

Cold blood, it will take some not to skip the steps. Let us not forget that before the presidential election we have the major appointments of the territories with the senatorial, departmental and regional elections which will all be essential in the path of reconquest.

So should we speed up the process of choosing our presidential candidate?

The presidential elections will take place in 20 months. You have understood, for my part, I think that the time is more to work on what unites us rather than what divides us. You know the content of our statutes on the subject. It has its roots in mimicry. And on this idea that the socialists invented to generate François Hollande. We copied them and we organized the primaries of the right and the center. The organization was magnificent, so much so that even Socialists came to vote!

You know me I am very relaxed on this subject because I was one of the few until the end to express serious doubts. Frankly, my doubts haven’t really gone away.
The truth and nature of the presidential election is that a candidate comes naturally. This is the deep meaning of this election and our institutions.

We all know that France will be faced with a very, very difficult social, economic and health start-up. We also have the territorial elections in the spring. After these elections, before next summer, if no one wins, I will propose to the political bureau a tie-breaker process on which we will have collectively worked and which it will return, in accordance with our statutes, to propose to the activists.

It is to them alone, therefore to all of us that this question will be asked. Until then, relentlessly, in a collective spirit and beyond personal ambitions, we must work on our project and win the spring elections.

You, the young Republicans, will then have a major role to play in winning over our ideas, preparing for alternation, convincing and affirming our values.

I, who started to campaign at 17 in a large, remarkably structured youth organization.

I want our meeting today to be the launch of a great youth movement within our political family.

Within a statutory framework that needs to be defined, young people should be able to benefit from a budget, governance and autonomous actions.

Everywhere in high schools, in learning centers, in universities but also in the world of work, young Republicans will have to be identified and recognized.

You all know my attachment to the agricultural world, and well know that in this professional environment which has known evolutions and upheavals like no other, but which has always been able to bounce back and adapt, no structuring measure whatsoever in terms of training , management monitoring, technical monitoring, company status, financing or solidarity has only been imagined or initiated by the Young Farmers.

Nous avons aujourd’hui besoin dans notre famille politique d’un mouvement de jeunesse puissant et implanté partout sur le territoire dans les secteurs ruraux comme dans les quartiers urbains, dans les villages comme dans les villes.

Je demande à Aurélien PRADIE, notre Secrétaire général avec Pierre-Henri DUMONT et le bureau national des jeunes de préparer cet automne le cadre d’une nouvelle organisation pour que dès les printemps prochain, LR rime avec jeunesse.

Si nous abordons l’été prochain avec la formidable victoire qui a été la notre aux municipales, à laquelle nous pourrions ajouter des sénatoriales réussies, puis des départementales et des régionales victorieuses, ainsi qu’un mouvement de jeunesse structuré et enfin un projet politique qui réponde aux attentes de nos concitoyens et qui traduise des perspectives et une vision pour notre Pays.

Alors nous aurons toutes les armes pour nous rassembler derrière celui ou celle qui nous conduira à la victoire de 2022.

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